II) A Popular Medium
In the early years of its New York-based operation, Puck as a business enterprise
depended almost entirely upon its appeal to the German community. Within a
few years, however, it had
become established as the first commercially viable illustrated humor magazine in America; by
1880 it
boasted a circulation of eighty-five thousand [1]. The cartoons
featured by artistic director Joseph Keppler and his publishing partner Adolph Schwartzmann
expressed a liberal orientation occasioned by their German origins, and corresponded to that of
the gentlemen reformers. David E. E. Sloane writes that Puck "tapped
the great
middle-class readership of America" and also attracted "upper and some lower class readers as
well" [2]; in this fashion the magazine functioned as a link
between elite intellect and popular
imagination, transmitting the Mugwump ideology to the large body of voters who did not respond
to the complex textual arguments of highbrow publications like The Nation. Whether they
knew it or not, the Best Men had a weapon to compete with the barbecues and torchlight parades
of mainstream partisan politics.
To be sure, Puck depended on all strata of the population, in that the political inspiration
came from the intellectual aristocrats while the general public put ten cents down each week to
keep the magazine in print. Price is by no means irrelevant in considering its impact on cartoon
culture: with Harper's one would have to pay thirty-five cents for a regular illustrated
newspaper that incidentally featured a couple of black-and-white Thomas Nast woodcuts; by
contrast, Puck offered three full-color lithographs each week, on the front and back covers
as well as a two page center spread. Editor Henry C. Bunner filled the
remaining twelve pages
with his own light fiction and verse as well as an endless supply of jokes, puns, and pen-and-ink
drawings, creating, "in short, a good value for a dime" [3].
The cover price was not the only aspect of the magazine geared towards a large middle and
working class. Keppler capitalized on the latest printing methods available so
that his cartoons
would appear "even more eye-catching than ever" to a public whose everyday
world "reveled in color" [4]. The artist's
experimentation with various types of chromolithographs bordered on obsession, but the work
seems to have paid off: the ease in both
drawing and printing made lithography "an ideal technique to distribute popular art forms"
[5]. The attention of a large and loyal group of buyers ensured
Puck's
dominance in political satire through the end of the century.
Fischer writes that the success of a political cartoon rests in its ability "to influence public opinion
through its use of widely and instantly understood symbols, slogans, referents, and
allusions" [7]; a sampling of the lithographs from 1880 to 1884
indicates that
there was a broad shared culture for Keppler and company to work with. "People cannot parody
what is not familiar" to the audience [8], and so Puck's
best cartoons incorporated
popular amusements which emerged after the Civil War as well as universally-recognized themes
from the Bible, Shakespeare, and other "classic" sources. This approach is of
course not new; "Passional Christi und Antichristi" presents an
instance of the artist basing his image in that first and foremost member of the public culture-- the
Bible-- as early as the sixteenth century. Realizing that any cartoons not soundly based in shared
culture would fare no better with the people than The North American Review, Keppler
and his artists illustrated their editorial opinions with well-known narratives and activities.
In addition to the over-arching story which governed the picture, the typical Puck cartoon
contained many other smaller embellishments; because they serve to ridicule individual public
figures or specific issues, they seem to originate in the caricatura. Keppler was one of the principal caricaturists of the century, but his approach is far more
realistic than the Italian, which, as "A Captain of Pope Urban VII"
demonstrated earlier, is less concerned with fidelity to the subject's actual appearance. The
attention to realism in his subjects' faces indicates an awareness of the growing power of
photographs in the political arena as well as the culture in general; furthermore Keppler's molding of expressions which interacted with the degree of levity
evoked by the cartoon's setting-- like James A. Garfield smiling coquettishly as he prepares to
marry Uncle Sam-- provided another source of humor. [Go to the Rogues' Gallery to learn more about the relationship between caricature and
photography in Puck.]
Building off of the person-oriented caricature, other small details in Puck usually regarded
the transformation of certain objects into symbolic counterparts. Some of the cartoons look as if
the main characters are about to be crowded out of the frame by the various and sundry symbols
piled up around them; while this can be seen as a distraction from the image's overall message,
closer examinations show that the clutter has concrete associations which lend rhetorical support
to the editorial slant of the cartoon. The scene Keppler drew for "Inspecting the Democratic Curiosity Shop" is one such example.
Another trait of the political arena that held a great deal of weight with the masses was its
emphasis on masculinity. One scholar of the era concisely describes the nature
of gender identity in this regard:
Going beyond the personal ridicule of trans-sexuality, Keppler combined the two backgrounds of
sports and gender in "The Contest of Beauty".
As the cartoon demonstrates, the men are voting solely on the basis of their attraction to the
entrants; that the ballots are being placed in a box marked "First Prize = Presidency" is an
emphasis on the high stakes involved in a matter taken so frivolously by the voters. The idea of a
beauty contest is interesting because it can be seen (only in the context of the unenlightened
historical period under discussion, of course) as a sport for women; in the same way that boxers
relied on the supposedly inherent masculine talent of athletic prowess, women used their inborn
aesthetic qualities to win whatever competition they might be engaged in. This cartoon is an
exemplar of Keppler's notion that, regardless of gender orientation, politics in his day and age was
a spectator sport that differed only slightly from other forms of amusement: it required no mental
participation from the people, provided that they reward whoever entertained them the best. In
addition to reflecting the mainstream culture, it illuminates by opposition the problem that the
Mugwumps had in successfully bringing substantial, thought-requiring matters before the people.
Puck's challenge was not only to be the best entertainer, but in the process make viewers
confront the issues in some way.
The artists also drew material from other new diversions that cropped up in urban areas. Settings such as dog shows locate the viewer in peculiar but not unknown
territory, and make criticisms of both the characters pictured within it as well as the prevailing
conception of public affairs as fun and not "the serious responsibility of unselfish patriots" [11]. Besides the moral about the undue levity of contemporary
politics, such a large amount of personally-directed satire is packed into the
cartoon that at least a few of Keppler's reformist statements would get through to the average
viewer. [Go to "Our National Dog Show"
to examine these details further.] In 1884 Puck artist Bernhard Gilliam would exploit to
the fullest this method of placing critiques of professional politicians in a publicly accessible
setting with "The National Dime Museum", which played off P.T. Barnum's American Museum by
displaying a diverse assembly of political freaks-- among them James G. Blaine as the tattooed
man. By taking these elements of shared culture and giving them a "spin" in the direction of
liberal reform, Keppler and company disseminated Mugwump ideology in a way that the aloof
intellectuals may have never even dreamed of.
The famous series of tattooed man cartoons which featured 1884 Republican nominee James G.
Blaine with the names of different scandals printed over his body has been explored by many
scholars, including Fischer, West, and Samuel J. Thomas; an equally good series by Keppler
founded on the premise of 1888 GOP candidate Benjamin Harrison shrinking into his
grandfather William Henry Harrison's cavernous beaverskin hat has also been well chronicled.
(FOOTNOTE) Although not united by the kind of narrative continuity of these two
anti-Republican campaigns, the series of cartoons which lampooned Ulysses S. Grant as he
aspired to a third term presidential nomination in 1880 present a compelling set of images which
incorporate vivid and easily-understood situational contexts as well as Mugwump ideology to
make their point about "Unconditional Surrender"'s unsuitability for the presidency. Continue on
to the War Room to learn more. . .
"An Unexpected Blow" reflects
both an understanding of the masses who bought the magazine, as well as a willingness to
entertain them-- two qualities which the Best Men severely lacked. Considering the different
components of the image, one can see that gusts of "Public Opinion" wind keep the "U.S. Grant"
kite in the air, but also threaten to knock over the "Republican Party" chimney built with bricks
labelled as the political machines of various states. To make matters worse, the kite is about to be
struck by a bolt of lightning faintly captioned as the "Independent Press". Keppler surely saw
himself as a non-partisan journalist, as his magazine would not actively promote a particular
presidential candidate until after Grover Cleveland's victory in 1884 [6]; the press as
lightning accurately characterizes the destructive potential of both entities. Representing the
public opinion as wind is an equally astute observation, since opinions are somewhat abstract,
intangible things that can shift rapidly and unexpectedly. Inasmuch as public opinion is a major
factor in political contests, it is also essentially a force of nature which can exercise tremendous
power. Keppler demonstrates through this cartoon that, like the wind, the public has a certain
fickle quality that can both sustain the career of a hero-president as well as destroy the
constructions of spoilsmen like Roscoe Conkling and Don Cameron.
Since Puck concentrated on political activity, its artists tried to reflect facets of that
environment's general atmosphere and distort them in such a way as to illuminate particular
criticisms. For many years sports had been one of the favorite cartoon metaphors for politics;
Keppler and company wisely followed this current. The detail from "The Political Handicap" is
such an example, as its parody lies in the comparison of equestrian ability and effectiveness on the
campaign trail. The image juxtaposes 1880 Republican presidential nominee James A. Garfield's
confidence in the saddle with the indecisive Democrats, who had been unable to elect one of their
own since James Buchanan in 1856.
Late nineteenth century election campaigns were public spectacles that ended for
one side in triumph, for the other in humiliation. Men described these contests
through metaphors of warfare and, almost as frequently, cock fighting and boxing.
Victory validated manhood. . . [9]
Spoilsmen like Roscoe Conkling proclaimed themselves as the men of politics; the women were
invariably the polite intellectuals, publicly insulted with epithets like "political hermaphrodites",
"eunuchs", "man-milliners", and "miss-Nancys". [10].
Obviously wanting to tap into all the metaphors created by successful public men, Puck
indulged heavily in this interpretation of political contests. The dapper Conkling was a
perennial target: in "The Only Baby", by Keppler's first assistant artist James A. Wales, the New
York Senator can be seen with Pennsylvania spoilsman Don Cameron as nursemaids. The
matronly indulgence of these two plain-jane nannies is a funny enough picture in itself, but the
image is also a commentary on the relationships between prominent Republican presidential
contenders and the powerful GOP managers. Roscoe and Don ignore James G. Blaine, John
Sherman, and others who sought the 1880 nomination because of their infatuation with baby
Ulysses; in addition, the cartoon implies that as long as they keep on feeding the baby his "3rd
Term Pap" he will come to recognize their authority over him. The message about the internal
affairs of the Republican Party is thus conveyed to the viewer in a familiar gender-bending
context.
A more typical use of this humor in Puck can be seen in the detail from "The Cinderella of
the Republican Party and Her Haughty Sisters". The supercilious air that likens Grant and
Conkling to the wicked debutantes of fairytale is a perfect appropriation of the Stalwarts' own
favorite weapon, and one which due to its simplicity would enjoy immediate public
comprehension. Concentrating on these two figures, details within the detail can be found which
specifically refer to the duo's shady behavior. The sash of Grant's dress is a representation of the
"Complimentary Ticket Around the World" which he used after his second presidential term;
the feathers in his tiara carry the labels of "War Record" and "Party Fidelity", implying that his
records of military service and partisanship constituted the only 'feathers in his cap' responsible for
his success. The medallion which fronts the gaudy headdress sports the number "306", which is
the highest amount of votes he would receive at the 1880 convention. Conkling's hat is inscribed
with numerous references to his "Greatest Effort"; apparently he would start off every oration
with this immodest characterization. These elements of the cartoon probe deeper than the shared
metaphor of cross-dressing humor, and illuminate the liberal reformers' opinion that Grant and
Conkling lacked both the qualifications and honesty required to lead the country.
In Conclusion
The decades of the nineteenth century after the Civil War offer many treasures for the student of
American civilization. During this period political culture emerged as a distinct set of symbols,
slogans, and practices; this and the increase in forms of public amusement oriented the political
environment in the direction of spectacle and humor. After years of the political culture's
exploitation by uncouth partisans a group of highly educated gentlemen organized themselves in
an attempt to
restore efficiency, honesty, and dignity to government administration.
Unfortunately the Mugwumps confined their attempts at raising public
consciousness to erudite or highly technical essays which were simply incompatible with a less
educated middle or lower class mind. The establishment of Joseph Keppler's magazine
Puck, whose cartoons drew artistic guidance from German and Italian archetypes
and received ideological inspiration from Mugwump opinion, marked a significant moment in
which
the ideas of an intellectual elite could be successfully relayed to the masses. Using the medium of
illustrated humor, Puck ridiculed the prominent figures of the day and engaged in
fascinating
commentary about the relationships between political activity and popular culture. This
comparison points to Keppler and company's understanding of politics
as America's true national pastime, a concept that still lingers with us today. Furthermore, the
commercial success of the magazine as well as the triumph of certain liberal missions such as the
prevention of General Grant's third presidential term remain a testament to the efficacy of
Keppler's work. Puck celebrated its four hundredth issue with a lithograph which
summarizes the perspective of the magazine, its artistic director, and the Mugwumps he believed
in: "Men May Come and Men May Go, but the Work of Reform Goes on
Forever!"