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My Countrymen:
THIS occasion is not alone the administration of the most
sacred oath which can be assumed by an American citizen. It is a dedication
and consecration under God to the highest office in service of our people. I
assume this trust in the humility of knowledge that only through the guidance
of Almighty Providence can I hope to discharge its ever-increasing burdens.
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It is in keeping
with tradition throughout our history that I should express simply and
directly the opinions which I hold concerning some of the matters of present
importance.
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Our Progress
If we survey the situation of our Nation both at home and abroad,
we find many satisfactions; we find some causes for concern. We have emerged
from the losses of the Great War and the reconstruction following it with
increased virility and strength. From this strength we have contributed to
the recovery and progress of the world. What America has done has given renewed hope and courage to all who
have faith in government by the people. In the large view, we have reached a
higher degree of comfort and security than ever existed before in the history
of the world. Through liberation from widespread poverty we have reached a
higher degree of individual freedom than ever before. The devotion to and
concern for our institutions are deep and sincere. We are steadily building a
new race—a new civilization great in its own attainments. The influence and
high purposes of our Nation are respected among the peoples of the world. We
aspire to distinction in the world, but to a distinction based upon
confidence in our sense of justice as well as our accomplishments within our
own borders and in our own lives. For wise guidance in this great period of
recovery the Nation is deeply indebted to Calvin Coolidge.
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But all this majestic advance should not obscure the constant
dangers from which self-government must be safeguarded. The strong man must
at all times be alert to the attack of insidious disease.
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The Failure of Our System of Criminal
Justice
The most malign of all these dangers today is disregard and
disobedience of law. Crime is increasing. Confidence in rigid and speedy
justice is decreasing. I am not prepared to believe that this indicates any
decay in the moral fiber of the American people. I am not prepared to believe
that it indicates an impotence of the Federal Government to enforce its laws.
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It is only in part
due to the additional burdens imposed upon our judicial system by the
eighteenth amendment. The problem is much wider than that. Many influences
had increasingly complicated and weakened our law enforcement organization
long before the adoption of the eighteenth amendment.
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To reestablish the
vigor and effectiveness of law enforcement we must critically consider the
entire Federal machinery of justice, the redistribution of its functions, the
simplification of its procedure, the provision of additional special
tribunals, the better selection of juries, and the more effective
organization of our agencies of investigation and prosecution that justice
may be sure and that it may be swift. While the authority of the Federal
Government extends to but part of our vast system of national, State, and
local justice, yet the standards which the Federal Government establishes
have the most profound influence upon the whole structure.
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We are fortunate
in the ability and integrity of our Federal judges and attorneys. But the
system which these officers are called upon to administer is in many respects
ill adapted to present-day conditions. Its intricate and involved rules of
procedure have become the refuge of both big and little criminals. There is a
belief abroad that by invoking technicalities, subterfuge, and delay, the
ends of justice may be thwarted by those who can pay the cost.
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Reform,
reorganization and strengthening of our whole judicial and enforcement
system, both in civil and criminal sides, have been advocated for years by
statesmen, judges, and bar associations. First steps toward that end should
not longer be delayed. Rigid and expeditious justice is the first safeguard
of freedom, the basis of all ordered liberty, the vital force of progress. It
must not come to be in our Republic that it can be defeated by the
indifference of the citizen, by exploitation of the delays and entanglements
of the law, or by combinations of criminals. Justice must not fail because
the agencies of enforcement are either delinquent or inefficiently organized.
To consider these evils, to find their remedy, is the most
sore necessity of our times.
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Enforcement of the Eighteenth
Amendment
Of the undoubted abuses which have grown up under the eighteenth
amendment, part are due to the causes I have just mentioned; but part are due
to the failure of some States to accept their share of responsibility for
concurrent enforcement and to the failure of many State and local officials
to accept the obligation under their oath of office zealously to enforce the
laws. With the failures from these many causes has come a dangerous expansion
in the criminal elements who have found enlarged opportunities in dealing in
illegal liquor.
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But a large
responsibility rests directly upon our citizens. There would be little
traffic in illegal liquor if only criminals patronized it. We must awake to
the fact that this patronage from large numbers of law-abiding citizens is
supplying the rewards and stimulating crime.
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I have been
selected by you to execute and enforce the laws of the country. I propose to
do so to the extent of my own abilities, but the measure of success that the
Government shall attain will depend upon the moral support which you, as
citizens, extend. The duty of citizens to support the laws of the land is
coequal with the duty of their Government to enforce the laws which exist. No
greater national service can be given by men and women of good will—who, I
know, are not unmindful of the responsibilities of citizenship—than that they
should, by their example, assist in stamping out crime and outlawry by
refusing participation in and condemning all transactions with illegal
liquor. Our whole system of self-government will crumble either if officials
elect what laws they will enforce or citizens elect what laws they will
support. The worst evil of disregard for some law is that it destroys respect
for all law. For our citizens to patronize the violation of a particular law
on the ground that they are opposed to it is destructive of the very basis of
all that protection of life, of homes and property which they rightly claim
under other laws. If citizens do not like a law, their duty as honest men and
women is to discourage its violation; their right is openly to work for its
repeal.
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To those of
criminal mind there can be no appeal but vigorous enforcement of the law.
Fortunately they are but a small percentage of our people. Their activities
must be stopped.
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A National Investigation
I propose to appoint a national commission for a searching
investigation of the whole structure of our Federal system of jurisprudence,
to include the method of enforcement of the eighteenth amendment and the
causes of abuse under it. Its purpose will be to make such recommendations
for reorganization of the administration of Federal laws and court procedure
as may be found desirable. In the meantime it is essential that a large part
of the enforcement activities be transferred from the Treasury Department to
the Department of Justice as a beginning of more effective organization.
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The Relation of Government to Business
The election has again confirmed the determination of the
American people that regulation of private enterprise and not Government
ownership or operation is the course rightly to be pursued in our relation to
business. In recent years we have established a differentiation in the whole
method of business regulation between the industries which produce and
distribute commodities on the one hand and public utilities on the other. In
the former, our laws insist upon effective competition; in the latter,
because we substantially confer a monopoly by limiting competition, we must
regulate their services and rates. The rigid enforcement of the laws
applicable to both groups is the very base of equal opportunity and freedom
from domination for all our people, and it is just as essential for the
stability and prosperity of business itself as for the protection of the
public at large. Such regulation should be extended by the Federal Government
within the limitations of the Constitution and only when the individual
States are without power to protect their citizens through their own
authority. On the other hand, we should be fearless when the authority rests
only in the Federal Government.
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Cooperation by the Government
The larger purpose of our economic thought should be to establish
more firmly stability and security of business and employment and thereby
remove poverty still further from our borders. Our people have in recent
years developed a new-found capacity for cooperation among themselves to
effect high purposes in public welfare. It is an advance toward the highest
conception of self-government. Self-government does not and should not imply
the use of political agencies alone. Progress is born of cooperation in the
community—not from governmental restraints. The Government should assist and
encourage these movements of collective self-help by itself cooperating with
them. Business has by cooperation made great progress in the advancement of
service, in stability, in regularity of employment and in the correction of
its own abuses. Such progress, however, can continue only so long as business
manifests its respect for law.
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There is an
equally important field of cooperation by the Federal Government with the
multitude of agencies, State, municipal and private, in the systematic development
of those processes which directly affect public health, recreation,
education, and the home. We have need further to perfect the means by which
Government can be adapted to human service.
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Education
Although education is primarily a responsibility of the States
and local communities, and rightly so, yet the Nation as a whole is vitally
concerned in its development everywhere to the highest standards and to
complete universality. Self-government can succeed only through an instructed
electorate. Our objective is not simply to overcome illiteracy. The Nation
has marched far beyond that. The more complex the problems of the Nation
become, the greater is the need for more and more advanced instruction.
Moreover, as our numbers increase and as our life expands with science and
invention, we must discover more and more leaders for every walk of life. We
can not hope to succeed in directing this increasingly complex civilization
unless we can draw all the talent of leadership from the whole people. One
civilization after another has been wrecked upon the attempt to secure
sufficient leadership from a single group or class. If we would prevent the
growth of class distinctions and would constantly refresh our leadership with
the ideals of our people, we must draw constantly from the general mass. The
full opportunity for every boy and girl to rise through the selective
processes of education can alone secure to us this leadership.
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Public Health
In public health the discoveries of science have opened a new
era. Many sections of our country and many groups of our citizens suffer from
diseases the eradication of which are mere matters
of administration and moderate expenditure. Public health service should be
as fully organized and as universally incorporated into our governmental
system as is public education. The returns are a thousand fold in economic
benefits, and infinitely more in reduction of suffering and promotion of
human happiness.
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World Peace
The United States fully accepts the profound truth that our own
progress, prosperity, and peace are interlocked with the progress,
prosperity, and peace of all humanity. The whole world is at peace. The
dangers to a continuation of this peace to-day are largely the fear and
suspicion which still haunt the world. No suspicion or fear can be rightly
directed toward our country.
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Those who have a
true understanding of America know that we have no desire for territorial expansion,
for economic or other domination of other peoples. Such purposes are
repugnant to our ideals of human freedom. Our form of government is ill
adapted to the responsibilities which inevitably follow permanent limitation
of the independence of other peoples. Superficial observers seem to find no
destiny for our abounding increase in population, in wealth and power except
that of imperialism. They fail to see that the American people are engrossed
in the building for themselves of a new economic system, a new social system,
a new political system all of which are characterized by aspirations of
freedom of opportunity and thereby are the negation of imperialism. They fail
to realize that because of our abounding prosperity our youth are pressing
more and more into our institutions of learning; that our people are seeking
a larger vision through art, literature, science, and travel; that they are
moving toward stronger moral and spiritual life—that from these things our
sympathies are broadening beyond the bounds of our Nation and race toward
their true expression in a real brotherhood of man. They fail to see that the
idealism of America will lead it to no narrow or selfish channel, but
inspire it to do its full share as a nation toward the advancement of
civilization. It will do that not by mere declaration but by taking a
practical part in supporting all useful international undertakings. We not
only desire peace with the world, but to see peace maintained throughout the
world. We wish to advance the reign of justice and reason toward the
extinction of force.
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The recent treaty
for the renunciation of war as an instrument of national policy sets an
advanced standard in our conception of the relations of nations. Its
acceptance should pave the way to greater limitation of armament, the offer
of which we sincerely extend to the world. But its full realization also
implies a greater and greater perfection in the instrumentalities for pacific
settlement of controversies between nations. In the creation and use of these
instrumentalities we should support every sound method of conciliation,
arbitration, and judicial settlement. American statesmen were among the first
to propose and they have constantly urged upon the world, the establishment
of a tribunal for the settlement of controversies of a justiciable character.
The Permanent Court of International Justice in its major purpose is thus
peculiarly identified with American ideals and with American statesmanship.
No more potent instrumentality for this purpose has ever been conceived and
no other is practicable of establishment. The reservations placed upon our
adherence should not be misinterpreted. The United States seeks by these
reservations no special privilege or advantage but only to clarify our
relation to advisory opinions and other matters which are subsidiary to the
major purpose of the court. The way should, and I believe will, be found by
which we may take our proper place in a movement so fundamental to the
progress of peace.
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Our people have
determined that we should make no political engagements such as membership in
the League of Nations, which may commit us in advance as a nation to become
involved in the settlements of controversies between other countries. They
adhere to the belief that the independence of America from such obligations increases its ability and
availability for service in all fields of human progress.
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I have lately
returned from a journey among our sister Republics of the Western Hemisphere. I have received unbounded hospitality and courtesy as
their expression of friendliness to our country. We are held by particular
bonds of sympathy and common interest with them. They are each of them
building a racial character and a culture which is an impressive contribution
to human progress. We wish only for the maintenance of their independence,
the growth of their stability, and their prosperity. While we have had wars
in the Western Hemisphere, yet on the whole the record is in encouraging
contrast with that of other parts of the world. Fortunately the New World
is largely free from the inheritances of fear and distrust which have so
troubled the Old World. We should keep it so.
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It is impossible,
my countrymen, to speak of peace without profound emotion. In thousands of
homes in America, in millions of homes around the world, there are
vacant chairs. It would be a shameful confession of our unworthiness if it
should develop that we have abandoned the hope for which all these men died.
Surely civilization is old enough, surely mankind is
mature enough so that we ought in our own lifetime to find a way to permanent
peace. Abroad, to west and east, are nations whose sons mingled their blood
with the blood of our sons on the battlefields. Most of these nations have
contributed to our race, to our culture, our knowledge, and our progress.
From one of them we derive our very language and from many of them much of
the genius of our institutions. Their desire for peace is as deep and sincere
as our own.
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Peace can be
contributed to by respect for our ability in defense. Peace can be promoted
by the limitation of arms and by the creation of the instrumentalities for
peaceful settlement of controversies. But it will become a reality only
through self-restraint and active effort in friendliness and helpfulness. I
covet for this administration a record of having further contributed to
advance the cause of peace.
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Party Responsibilities
In our form of democracy the expression of the popular will can
be effected only through the instrumentality of political parties. We
maintain party government not to promote intolerant partisanship but because
opportunity must be given for expression of the popular will, and
organization provided for the execution of its mandates and for
accountability of government to the people. It follows that the government
both in the executive and the legislative branches must carry out in good
faith the platforms upon which the party was entrusted with power. But the
government is that of the whole people; the party is the instrument through
which policies are determined and men chosen to bring them into being. The
animosities of elections should have no place in our Government, for
government must concern itself alone with the common weal.
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Special Session of the Congress
Action upon some of the proposals upon which the Republican Party
was returned to power, particularly further agricultural relief and limited
changes in the tariff, cannot in justice to our farmers, our labor, and our
manufacturers be postponed. I shall therefore request a special session of
Congress for the consideration of these two questions. I shall deal with each
of them upon the assembly of the Congress.
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Other Mandates from the Election
It appears to me that the more important further mandates from
the recent election were the maintenance of the integrity of the
Constitution; the vigorous enforcement of the laws; the continuance of economy
in public expenditure; the continued regulation of business to prevent
domination in the community; the denial of ownership or operation of business
by the Government in competition with its citizens; the avoidance of policies
which would involve us in the controversies of foreign nations; the more
effective reorganization of the departments of the Federal Government; the
expansion of public works; and the promotion of welfare activities affecting
education and the home.
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These were the
more tangible determinations of the election, but beyond them was the
confidence and belief of the people that we would not neglect the support of
the embedded ideals and aspirations of America. These ideals and aspirations are the touchstones upon
which the day-to-day administration and legislative acts of government must
be tested. More than this, the Government must, so far as lies within its
proper powers, give leadership to the realization of these ideals and to the
fruition of these aspirations. No one can adequately reduce these things of
the spirit to phrases or to a catalogue of definitions. We do know what the
attainments of these ideals should be: The preservation of self-government
and its full foundations in local government; the perfection of justice
whether in economic or in social fields; the maintenance of ordered liberty;
the denial of domination by any group or class; the building up and
preservation of equality of opportunity; the stimulation of initiative and
individuality; absolute integrity in public affairs; the choice of officials
for fitness to office; the direction of economic progress toward prosperity
for the further lessening of poverty; the freedom of public opinion; the
sustaining of education and of the advancement of knowledge; the growth of
religious spirit and the tolerance of all faiths; the strengthening of the
home; the advancement of peace.
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There is no short
road to the realization of these aspirations. Ours is a progressive people,
but with a determination that progress must be based upon the foundation of
experience. Ill-considered remedies for our faults bring only penalties after
them. But if we hold the faith of the men in our mighty past who created these ideals, we shall leave them heightened
and strengthened for our children.
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Conclusion
This is not the time and place for extended discussion. The
questions before our country are problems of progress to higher standards;
they are not the problems of degeneration. They demand thought and they serve
to quicken the conscience and enlist our sense of responsibility for their
settlement. And that responsibility rests upon you, my countrymen, as much as
upon those of us who have been selected for office.
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Ours is a land
rich in resources; stimulating in its glorious beauty; filled with millions
of happy homes; blessed with comfort and opportunity. In no nation are the
institutions of progress more advanced. In no nation are the fruits of accomplishment
more secure. In no nation is the government more worthy of respect. No
country is more loved by its people. I have an abiding faith in their
capacity, integrity and high purpose. I have no fears for the future of our
country. It is bright with hope.
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In the presence of
my countrymen, mindful of the solemnity of this occasion, knowing what the
task means and the responsibility which it involves, I beg your tolerance,
your aid, and your cooperation. I ask the help of Almighty God in this service
to my country to which you have called me.
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