Chapter V 
ARRIVAL IN TLASCALA- FRIENDLY RECEPTION- DISCONTENTS OF THE ARMY-
JEALOUSY OF THE TLASCALANS- EMBASSY FROM MEXICO
ON the following morning the army broke up its encampment at an
early hour. The enemy do not seem to have made an attempt to rally.
Clouds of skirmishers, however, were seen during the morning,
keeping at a respectful distance, though occasionally venturing near
enough to salute the Spaniards with a volley of missiles.
On a rising ground they discovered a fountain, a blessing not
too often met with in these arid regions, and gratefully
commemorated by the Christians, for the refreshment afforded by its
cool and abundant waters. A little further on, they descried the
rude works which served as the bulwark and boundary of the Tlascalan
territory. At the sight, the allies sent up a joyous shout of
congratulation, in which the Spaniards heartily joined, as they felt
they were soon to be on friendly and hospitable ground.
But these feelings were speedily followed by others of a different
nature; and, as they drew nearer the territory, their minds were
disturbed with the most painful apprehensions, as to their reception
by the people among whom they were bringing desolation and mourning,
and who might so easily, if ill-disposed take advantage of their
present crippled condition. "Thoughts like these," says Cortes,
"weighed as heavily on my spirit as any which I ever experienced in
going to battle with the Aztecs." Still he put, as usual, a good
face on the matter, and encouraged his men to confide in their allies,
whose past conduct had afforded every ground for trusting to their
fidelity in future. He cautioned them, however, as their own
strength was so much impaired, to be most careful to give no
umbrage, or ground for jealousy, to their high-spirited allies. "Be
but on your guard," continued the intrepid general, "and we have still
stout hearts and strong hands to carry us through the midst of
them!" With these anxious surmises, bidding adieu to the Aztec domain,
the Christian army crossed the frontier, and once more trod the soil
of the republic.
The first place at which they halted was the town of
Huejotlipan, a place of about twelve or fifteen thousand
inhabitants. They were kindly greeted by the people, who came out to
receive them, inviting the troops to their habitations, and
administering all the relief of their simple hospitality; yet not so
disinterested as to prevent their expecting a share of the plunder.
Here the weary forces remained two or three days, when the news of
their arrival having reached the capital, not more than four or five
leagues distant, the old chief, Maxixca, their efficient friend on
their former visit, and Xicontencatl, the young warrior who, it will
be remembered, had commanded the troops of his nation in their
bloody encounters with the Spaniards, came with a numerous concourse
of the citizens to welcome the fugitives to Tlascala. Maxixca,
cordially embracing the Spanish commander, testified the deepest
sympathy for his misfortunes. That the white men could so long have
withstood the confederated power of the Aztecs was proof enough of
their marvellous prowess. "We have made common cause together," said
the lord of Tlascala,- "and we have common injuries to avenge; and,
come weal or come woe, be assured we will prove true and loyal
friends, and stand by you to the death."
This cordial assurance and sympathy, from one who exercised a
control over the public counsels beyond any other ruler, effectually
dispelled the doubts that lingered in the mind of Cortes. He readily
accepted his invitation to continue his march at once to the
capital, where he would find so much better accommodation for his
army, than in a small town on the frontier. The sick and wounded,
placed in hammocks, were borne on the shoulders of the friendly
natives; and, as the troops drew near the city, the inhabitants came
flocking out in crowds to meet them, rending the air with joyous
acclamations and wild bursts of their rude Indian minstrelsy. Amidst
the general jubilee, however, were heard sounds of wailing and sad
lament, as some unhappy relative or friend, looking earnestly into the
diminished files of their countrymen, sought in vain for some dear and
familiar countenance, and, as they turned disappointed away, gave
utterance to their sorrow in tones that touched the heart of every
soldier in the army. With these mingled accompaniments of joy and
woe,- the motley web of human life,- the way-worn columns of Cortes at
length re-entered the republican capital.
The general and his suite were lodged in the rude, but spacious,
palace of Maxixca. The rest of the army took up their quarters in
the district over which the Tlascalan lord presided. Here they
continued several weeks, until, by the attentions of the hospitable
citizens, and such medical treatment as their humble science could
supply, the wounds of the soldiers were healed, and they recovered
from the debility to which they had been reduced by their long and
unparalleled sufferings. Cortes was one of those who suffered
severely. He lost the use of two of the fingers of his left hand. He
had received, besides, two injuries on the head; one of which was so
much exasperated by his subsequent fatigues and excitement of mind,
that it assumed an alarming appearance. A part of the bone was obliged
to be removed. A fever ensued, and for several days the hero, who
had braved danger and death in their most terrible forms, lay
stretched on his bed, as helpless as an infant. His excellent
constitution, however, got the better of disease, and he was, at
length, once more enabled to resume his customary activity.- The
Spaniards, with politic generosity, requited the hospitality of
their hosts by sharing with them the spoils of their recent victory;
and Cortes especially rejoiced the heart of Maxixca, by presenting him
with the military trophy which he had won from the Indian commander.
But while the Spaniards were thus recruiting their health and
spirits under the friendly treatment of their allies, and recovering
the confidence and tranquillity of mind which had sunk under their
hard reverses, they received tidings, from time to time, which
showed that their late disaster had not been confined to the Mexican
capital. On his descent from Mexico to encounter Narvaez, Cortes had
brought with him a quantity of gold, which he left for safe keeping at
Tlascala. To this was added a considerable sum collected by the
unfortunate Velasquez de Leon, in his expedition to the coast, as well
as contributions from other sources. From the unquiet state of the
capital, the general thought it best, on his return there, still to
leave the treasure under the care of a number of invalid soldiers,
who, when in marching condition, were to rejoin him in Mexico. A party
from Vera Cruz, consisting of five horsemen and forty foot, had
since arrived at Tlascala, and, taking charge of the invalids and
treasure, undertook to escort them to the capital. He now learned they
had been intercepted on the route, and all cut off, with the entire
loss of the treasure. Twelve other soldiers, marching in the same
direction, had been massacred in the neighbouring province of Tepeaca;
and accounts continually arrived of some unfortunate Castilian, who,
presuming the respect hitherto shown to his countrymen, and ignorant
of the disasters in the capital, had fallen a victim to the fury of
These dismal tidings filled the mind of Cortes with gloomy
apprehensions for the fate of the settlement at Villa Rica,- the
last of their hopes. He despatched a trusty messenger, at once, to
that place; and had the inexpressible satisfaction to receive a letter
in return from the commander of the garrison, acquainting him with the
safety of the colony, and its friendly relations with the neighbouring
Totonacs. It was the best guarantee of the fidelity of the latter,
that they had offended the Mexicans too deeply to be forgiven.
While the affairs of Cortes wore so gloomy an aspect without, he
had to experience an annoyance scarcely less serious from the
discontents of his followers. Many of them had fancied that their late
appalling reverses would put an end to the expedition; or, at least,
postpone all thoughts of resuming it for the present. But they knew
little of Cortes who reasoned thus. Even while tossing on his bed of
sickness, he was ripening in his mind fresh schemes for retrieving his
honour, and for recovering the empire which had been lost more by
another's rashness than his own. This was apparent, as he became
convalescent, from the new regulations he made respecting the army, as
well as from the orders sent to Vera Cruz for fresh reinforcements.
The knowledge of all this occasioned much disquietude to the
disaffected soldiers. They were, for the most part, the ancient
followers of Narvaez, on whom, as we have seen, the brunt of war had
fallen the heaviest. Many of them possessed property in the islands,
and had embarked on this expedition chiefly from the desire of
increasing it. But they had gathered neither gold nor glory in Mexico.
Their present service filled them only with disgust; and the few,
comparatively, who had been so fortunate as to survive, languished
to return to their rich mines and pleasant farms in Cuba, bitterly
cursing the day when they had left them.
Finding their complaints little heeded by the general, they
prepared a written remonstrance, in which they made their demand
more formally. They represented the rashness of persisting in the
enterprise in his present impoverished state, without arms or
ammunition, almost without men; and this too, against a powerful
enemy, who had been more than a match for him, with all the strength
of his late resources. It was madness to think of it. The attempt
would bring them all to the sacrifice-block. Their only course was
to continue their march to Vera Cruz. Every hour of delay might be
fatal. The garrison in that Place might be overwhelmed from want of
strength to defend itself; and thus their last hope would be
annihilated. But, once there, they might wait in comparative
security for such reinforcements as would join them from abroad;
while, in case of failure, they could the more easily make their
escape. They concluded with insisting on being permitted to return, at
once, to the port of Villa Rica. This petition, or rather
remonstrance, was signed by all the disaffected soldiers, and, after
being formally attested by the royal notary, was presented to Cortes.
It was a trying circumstance for him. What touched him most nearly
was, to find the name of his friend, the secretary Duero, to whose
good offices he had chiefly owed his command, at the head of the
paper. He was not, however, to be shaken from his purpose for a
moment; and while all outward resources seemed to be fading away,
and his own friends faltered or failed him, he was still true to
himself. He knew that to retreat to Vera Cruz would be to abandon
the enterprise. Once there, his army would soon find a pretext and a
way for breaking up, and returning to the islands. All his ambitious
schemes would be blasted. The great prize, already once in his
grasp, would then be lost for ever. He would be a ruined man.
In his celebrated letter to Charles the Fifth, he says, that, in
reflecting on his position, he felt the truth of the old adage,
"that fortune favours the brave. The Spaniards were the followers of
the Cross; and, trusting in the infinite goodness and mercy of God, he
could not believe that He would suffer them and His own good cause
thus to perish among the heathen. He was resolved, therefore, not to
descend to the coast, but at all hazards to retrace his steps and
beard the enemy again in his capital."
It was in the same resolute tone that he answered his discontented
followers. He urged every argument which could touch their pride or
honour as cavaliers. He appealed to that ancient Castilian valour
which had never been known to falter before an enemy; besought them
not to discredit the great deeds which had made their name ring
throughout Europe; not to leave the emprise half achieved, for
others more daring and adventurous to finish. How could they with
any honour, he asked, desert their allies whom they had involved in
the war, and leave them unprotected to the vengeance of the Aztecs? To
retreat but a single step towards Villa Rica would be to proclaim
their own weakness. It would dishearten their friends, and give
confidence to their foes. He implored them to resume the confidence in
him which they had ever shown, and to reflect that, if they had
recently met with reverses, he had up to that point accomplished
all, and more than all, that he had promised. It would be easy now
to retrieve their losses, if they would have patience, and abide in
this friendly land until the reinforcements, which would be ready to
come in at his call, should enable them to act on the offensive. If,
however, there were any so insensible to the motives which touch a
brave man's heart, as to prefer ease at home to the glory of this
great achievement, he would not stand in their way. Let them go in
God's name. Let them leave their general in his extremity. He should
feel stronger in the service of a few brave spirits, than if
surrounded by a host of the false or the faint-hearted.
The disaffected party, as already noticed, was chiefly drawn
from the troops of Narvaez. When the general's own veterans heard this
appeal, their blood warmed with indignation at the thoughts of
abandoning him or the cause at such a crisis. They pledged
themselves to stand by him to the last; and the malcontents
silenced, if not convinced, by this generous expression of sentiment
from their comrades, consented to postpone their departure for the
present, under the assurance, that no obstacle should be thrown in
their way, when a more favourable season should present itself.
Scarcely was this difficulty adjusted, when Cortes was menaced
with one more serious, in the jealousy springing up between his
soldiers and their Indian allies. Notwithstanding the demonstrations
of regard by Maxixca and his immediate followers, there were others of
the nation who looked with an evil eye on their guests, for the
calamities in which they had involved them; and they tauntingly asked,
if, in addition to this, they were now to be burdened by the
presence and maintenance of the strangers? The sallies of discontent
were not so secret as altogether to escape the ears of the
Spaniards, in whom they occasioned no little disquietude. They
proceeded, for the most part, it is true, from persons of little
consideration, since the four great chiefs of the republic appear to
have been steadily secured to the interests of Cortes. But they
derived some importance from the countenance of the warlike
Xicotencatl, in whose bosom still lingered the embers of that
implacable hostility which he had displayed so courageously on the
field of battle; and sparkles of this fiery temper occasionally
gleamed forth in the intimate intercourse into which he was now
reluctantly brought with his ancient opponents.
Cortes, who saw with alarm the growing feelings of estrangement,
which must sap the very foundations on which he was to rest the
lever for future operations, employed every argument which suggested
itself to restore the confidence of his own men. He reminded them of
the good services they had uniformly received from the great body of
the nation. They had a sufficient pledge of the future constancy of
the Tlascalans in their long cherished hatred of the Aztecs, which the
recent disasters they had suffered from the same quarter could serve
only to sharpen. And he urged with much force, that, if any evil
designs had been meditated by them against the Spaniards, the
Tlascalans would doubtless have taken advantage of their late disabled
condition, and not waited till they had recovered their strength and
means of resistance.
While Cortes was thus endeavouring, with somewhat doubtful
success, to stifle his own apprehensions, as well as those in the
bosoms of his followers, an event occurred which happily brought the
affair to an issue, and permanently settled the relations in which the
two parties were to stand to each other. This will make it necessary
to notice some events which had occurred in Mexico since the expulsion
of the Spaniards.
On Montezuma's death, his brother Cuitlahua, lord of
Iztapalapan, conformably to the usage regulating the descent of the
Aztec crown, was chosen to succeed him. He was an active prince, of
large experience in military affairs, and, by the strength of his
character, was well fitted to sustain the tottering fortunes of the
monarchy. He appears, morever, to have been a man of liberal, and what
may be called enlightened taste, to judge from the beautiful gardens
which he had filled with rare exotics, and which so much attracted the
admiration of the Spaniards in his city of Iztapalapan. Unlike his
predecessor, he held the white men in detestation; and had probably
the satisfaction of celebrating his own coronation by the sacrifice of
many of them. From the moment of his release from the Spanish
quarters, were he had been detained by Cortes, he entered into the
patriotic movements of his people. It was he who conducted the
assaults both in the streets of the city, and on the "Melancholy
Night"; and it was at his instigation that the powerful force had been
assembled to dispute the passage of the Spaniards in the Vale of
Since the evacuation of the capital, he had been busily occupied
in repairing the mischief it had received,- restoring the buildings
and the bridges, and putting it in the best posture of defence. He had
endeavoured to improve the discipline and arms of his troops. He
introduced the long spear among them, and, by attaching the
swordblades taken from the Christians to long poles, contrived a
weapon that should be formidable against cavalry. He summoned his
vassals, far and near, to hold themselves in readiness to march to the
relief of the capital, if necessary, and, the better to secure their
good will, relieved them from some of the burdens usually laid on
them. But he was now to experience the instability of a government
which rested not on love, but on fear. The vassals in the
neighbourhood of the valley remained true to their allegiance; but
others held themselves aloof, uncertain what course to adopt; while
others, again, in the more distant provinces, refused obedience
altogether, considering this a favourable moment for throwing off
the yoke which had so long galled them.
In this emergency, the government sent a deputation to its ancient
enemies, the Tlascalans. It consisted of six Aztec nobles, bearing a
present of cotton cloth, salt, and other articles, rarely seen, of
late years, in the republic. The lords of the state, astonished at
this unprecedented act of condescension in their ancient foe, called
the council or senate of the great chiefs together, to give the envoys
Before this body, the Aztecs stated the purpose of their
mission. They invited the Tlascalans to bury all past grievances in
oblivion, and to enter into a treaty with them. All the nations of
Anahuac should make common cause in defence of their country against
the white men. The Tlascalans would bring down on their own heads
the wrath of the gods, if they longer harboured the strangers who
had violated and destroyed their temples. If they counted on the
support and friendship of their guests, let them take warning from the
fate of Mexico, which had received them kindly within its walls and
which, in return, they had filled with blood and ashes. They
conjured them, by their reverence for their common religion, not to
suffer the white men, disabled as they now were, to escape from
their hands, but to sacrifice them at once to the gods, whose
temples they had profaned. In that event, they proffered them their
alliance, and the renewal of that friendly traffic which would restore
to the republic the possession of the comforts and luxuries of which
it had been so long deprived.
The proposals of the ambassadors produced different effects on
their audience. Xicotencatl was for embracing them at once. Far better
was it, he said, to unite with their kindred, with those who held
their own language, their faith and usages, than to throw themselves
into the arms of the fierce strangers, who, however they might talk of
religion, worshipped no god but gold. This opinion was followed by
that of the younger warriors, who readily caught the fire of his
enthusiasm. But the elder chiefs, especially his blind old father, one
of the four rulers of the state, who seem to have been all heartily in
the interests of the Spaniards, and one of them, Maxixca, their
staunch friend, strongly expressed their aversion to the proposed
alliance with the Aztecs. They were always the same, said the latter,-
fair in speech, and false in heart. They now proffered friendship to
the Tlascalans. But it was fear which drove them to it, and, when that
fear was removed, they would return to their old hostility. Who was
it, but these insidious foes, that had so long deprived the country of
the very necessaries of life, of which they were now so lavish in
their offers? Was it not owing to the white men that the nation at
length possessed them? Yet they were called on to sacrifice the
white men to the gods!- the warriors who, after fighting the battles
of the Tlascalans, now threw themselves on their hospitality. But
the gods abhorred perfidy. And were not their guests the very beings
whose coming had been so long predicted by the oracles? Let us avail
ourselves of it, he concluded, and unite and make common cause with
them, until we have humbled our haughty enemy.
This discourse provoked a sharp rejoinder from Xicotencatl, tin
the passion of the elder chieftain got the better of his patience,
and, substituting force for argument, he thrust his younger antagonist
with some violence from the council chamber. A proceeding so
contrary to the usual decorum of Indian debate astonished the
assembly. But, far from bringing censure on its author, it effectually
silenced opposition. Even the hot-headed followers of Xicotencatl
shrunk from supporting a leader who had incurred such a mark of
contemptuous displeasure from the ruler whom they most venerated.
His own father openly condemned him; and the patriotic young
warrior, gifted with a truer foresight into futurity than his
countrymen, was left without support in the council, as he had
formerly been on the field of battle.- The proffered alliance of the
Mexicans was unanimously rejected; and the envoys, fearing that even
the sacred character with which they were invested might not protect
them from violence, made their escape secretly from the capital.
The result of the conference was of the last importance to the
Spaniards, who, in their present crippled condition, especially if
taken unawares, would have been, probably, at the mercy of the
Tlascalans. At all events, the union of these latter with the Aztecs
would have settled the fate of the expedition; since, in the poverty
of his own resources, it was only by adroitly playing off one part
of the Indian population against the other, that Cortes could
ultimately hope for success.
1. Is it not the same fountain of which Toribio makes honorable mention in his topographical account of che country? "Nace en Tlaxcala una fuente grande á la parte del Norte, cinco leguas de la principal ciudad; nace en un pueblo que se llama Azumba, que en su lengua quiere decir cabeza, y así es, porque esta fuente es cabeza y principio del mayor rio de los que entran en la mar del Sur, el cual entra en la mar por Zacatula." Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 16.
2. "El qual pensamiento, y sospecha nos puso en tanta afliccion, quanta trahiamos viniendo peleando con los de Culúa." Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 149.
3. "Y mas dixo, que tenia esperança en Dios que los hallariamos buenos, y leales; é que si otra cosa fuesse, lo que Dios no permita, que nos han de tornar á andar los puños con coraçones fuertes, y braços vigorosos, y que para esso fuessemos muy apercibidos." Bernal Díaz, Hist de la Conquista, cap. 128.
4. Called Gualipan by Cortés. (Ibid., p. 149.) An Aztec would have found it hard to trace the route of his enemies by their itineraries.
5. Ibid., ubi supra.
Thoan Cano, however, one of the army, denies this, and asserts that the natives received them like their children, and would take no recompense. (See Appendix, Part 2, No. 11.)
6. Y que tubiesse por cierto, que me serian muy ciertos, y verdaderos Amigos, hasta la muerte." Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 150.
7. Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.--"Sobreviniéron las mugeres Tlascaltecas, y todas puestas de luto, y llorando á donde estaban los Españoles, las unas preguntaban por sus maridos, las otras por sus hijos y hermanos, las otras por sus parientes que habian ido con los Españoles, y quedaban todos allá muertos: no es menos, sino que de esto llanto causó gran sentimiento en el corazon del Capitan, y de todos los Españoles, y él procuró lo mejor que pudo consolarles por medio de sus Intérpretes." Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 28.
8. "Yo assimismo quedé manco de dos dedos de la mano izquierda"--is Cortés' own expression in his letter to the emperor. (Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 152.) Don Thoan Cano, however, whose sympathies--from his Indian alliance, perhaps--seem to have been quite as much with the Aztecs as with his own countrymen, assured Oviedo, who was lamenting the general's loss, that he might spare his regrets, since Cortés had as many fingers on his hand, at that hour, as when he came from Castile. May not the word manco, in his letter, be rendered by "maimed"?
9. "Hiriéron á Cortés con Honda tan mal, que se le pasmó la Cabeça, ó porque no le curáron bien, sacándole Cascos, ó por el demasiado trabajo que pasó." Gomara, Crónica, cap. 110.
10. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.--Bernal Diaz, Ibid., ubi supra.
11. Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 150.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15.
Herrera gives the following inscription, cut on the bark of a tree by some of these unfortunate Spaniards. "By this road passed Juan Juste and his wretched companions, who were so much pinched by hunger, that they were obliged to give a solid bar of gold, weighing eight hundred ducats, for a few cakes of maize bread." Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.
12. One is reminded of the similar remonstrance made by Alexander's soldiers to him, on reaching the Hystaspis,--but attended with more success; as, indeed, was reasonable. For Alexander continued to advance from the ambition of indefinite conquest, while Cortés was only bent on carrying out his original enterprise. What was madness in the one was heroism in the other.
13. "Acordándome, que siempre á los osados ayuda la fortuna, y que eramos Christianos y confiando en la grandíssima Bondad, y Misericordia de Dios, que no permitiria, que del todo pereciessemos, y se perdiesse tanta, y tan noble Tierra." Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 152.
14. This reply, exclaims Oviedo, showed a man of unconquerable spirit, and high destinies. "Paréceme que la respuesta que á esto les dió Hernando Cortés, é lo que hizo en ello, fué vna cosa de ánimo invencible, é de varon de mucha suerte é valor." Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15.
15. "É no me hable ninguno en otra cosa; y él que desta opinion no estubiere váyase en buen hora, que mas holgaré de quedar con los pocos y osados, que en compañía de muchos, ni de ninguno cobarde, ni desacordado de su propia honra." Hist. de las Ind., MS., loc. cit.
16. Oviedo has expanded the harangue of Cortés into several pages, in the course of which the orator quotes Xenophon, and borrows largely from the old Jewish history, a style of eloquence savoring much more of the closet than the camp. Cortés was no pedant, and his soldiers were no scholars.
17. For the account of this turbulent transaction, see Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap 129,--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 152,--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15,--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 112, 113,--Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 14.
Diaz is exceedingly wroth with the chaplain, Gomara, for not discriminating between the old soldiers and the levies of Narvaez, whom he involves equally in the sin of rebellion. The captain's own version seems a fair one, and I have followed it, therefore, in the text.
18. Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15.--Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 14.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 29.
19. Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.--Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 166.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 27, 29.
Or rather, it was "at the instigation of the great Devil, the captain of all the devils, called Satan, who regulated every thing in New Spain by his free will and pleasure, before the coming of the Spaniards," according to father Sahagun, who begins his chapter with this eloquent exordium.
20. lxtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 88.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 29--Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 19.
21. The proceedings in the Tlascalan senate are reported in more or less detail, but substantially alike, by Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.,--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 29,--Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 12, cap. 14.
See, also, Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 129,--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 111.