Chapter XV
OF THE GRAVITY OF THE AMERICANS, AND WHY IT DOES NOT PREVENT
THEM FROM OFTEN DOING INCONSIDERATE THINGS
Men who live in democratic countries do not value the simple, turbulent, or coarse diversions in
which the people in aristocratic communities indulge; such diversions are thought by them to be
puerile or insipid. Nor have they a greater inclination for the intellectual and refined amusements
of the aristocratic classes. They want something productive and substantial in their pleasures; they
want to mix actual fruition with their joy.
In aristocratic communities the people readily give themselves up to bursts of tumultuous and
boisterous gaiety, which shake off at once the recollection of their privations. The inhabitants of
democracies are not fond of being thus violently broken in upon, and they never lose sight of
themselves without regret. Instead of these frivolous delights they prefer those more serious and
silent amusements which are like business and which do not drive business wholly out of their
minds.
An American, instead of going in a leisure hour to dance merrily at some place of public resort, as
the fellows of his class continue to do throughout the greater part of Europe, shuts himself up at
home to drink. He thus enjoys two pleasures; he can go on thinking of his business and can get
drunk decently by his own fireside.
I thought that the English constituted the most serious nation on the face of the earth, but I have
since seen the Americans and have changed my opinion. I do not mean to say that temperament
has not a great deal to do with the character of the inhabitants of the United States, but I think
that their political institutions are a still more influential cause.
I believe the seriousness of the Americans arises partly from their pride. In democratic countries
even poor men entertain a lofty notion of their personal importance; they look upon themselves
with complacency and are apt to suppose that others are looking at them too. With this disposition, they watch their language and their actions with care
and do not lay themselves open so as to betray their deficiencies; to preserve their dignity, they
think it necessary to retain their gravity.
But I detect another more deep-seated and powerful cause which instinctively produces among
the Americans this astonishing gravity. Under a despotism communities give way at times to
bursts of vehement joy, but they are generally gloomy and moody because they are afraid. Under
absolute monarchies tempered by the customs and manners of the country, their spirits are often
cheerful and even, because, as they have some freedom and a good deal of security, they are
exempted from the most important cares of life; but all free nations are serious because their
minds are habitually absorbed by the contemplation of some dangerous or difficult purpose. This
is more especially the case among those free nations which form democratic communities. Then
there is, in all classes, a large number of men constantly occupied with the serious affairs of the
government; and those whose thoughts are not engaged in the matters of the commonwealth are
wholly engrossed by the acquisition of a private fortune. Among such a people a serious
demeanor ceases to be peculiar to certain men and becomes a habit of the nation.
We are told of small democracies in the days of antiquity in which the citizens met in the public
places with garlands of roses and spent almost all their time in dancing and theatrical amusements.
I do not believe in such r republics any more than in that of Plato; or if the things we read of really
happened, I do not hesitate to affirm that these supposed democracies were composed of very
different elements from ours and that they had nothing in common with the latter except their
name.
But it must not be supposed that in the midst of all their toils the people who live in democracies
think themselves to be pitied; the contrary is noticed to be the case. No men are fonder of their
own condition. Life would have no relish for them if they were delivered from the anxieties which
harass them, and they show -more attachment to their cares than aristocratic nations to their
pleasures.
I am next led to inquire how it is that these same democratic nations which are so serious
sometimes act in so inconsiderate a manner. The Americans, who almost always preserve a staid
demeanor and a frigid air, nevertheless frequently allow themselves to be borne away, far beyond the bounds
of reason, by a sudden passion or a hasty opinion and sometimes gravely commit strange
absurdities.
This contrast ought not to surprise us. There is one sort of ignorance which originates in extreme
publicity. In despotic states men do not know how to act because they are told nothing; in
democratic nations they often act at random because nothing is to be left untold. The former do
not know, the latter forget; and the chief features of each picture are lost to them in a bewilder-
ment of details.
It is astonishing what imprudent language a public man may sometimes use in free countries, and
especially in democratic states, without being compromised; whereas in absolute monarchies a
few words dropped by accident are enough to unmask him forever and ruin him without hope of
redemption. This is explained by what goes before. When a man speaks in the midst of a great
crowd, many of his words are not heard or are forthwith obliterated from the memories of those
who hear them; but amid the silence of a mute and motionless throng the slightest whisper strikes
the ear.
In democracies men are never stationary; a thousand chances waft them to and fro, and their life is
always the sport of unforeseen or (so to speak) extemporaneous circumstances. Thus they are
often obliged to do things which they have imperfectly learned, to say things which they
imperfectly understand, and to devote themselves to work for which they are unprepared by long
apprenticeship. In aristocracies every man has one sole object, which he unceasingly pursues; but
among democratic nations the existence of man is more complex; the same mind will almost
always embrace several objects at once, and these objects are frequently wholly foreign to each
other. As it cannot know them all well, the mind is readily satisfied with imperfect notions of each.
When the inhabitant of a democracy is not urged by his wants, he is so at least by his desires; for
of all the possessions that he sees around him, none are wholly beyond his reach. He therefore
does everything in a hurry, he is always satisfied with "pretty well," and never pauses more than
an instant to consider what he has been doing. His curiosity is at once insatiable and cheaply
satisfied; for he cares more to know a great deal quickly than
to know anything well; he has no time and but little taste to
search things to the bottom.
Thus, then, a democratic people are grave because their social and political condition constantly
leads them to engage in serious occupations, and they act inconsiderately because they give but
little time and attention to each of these occupations. The habit of inattention must be considered
as the greatest defect of the democratic character.
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