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Technological
Change: A National Inventory of Its Consequences
by David Weintraub
May 1937
ABOUT A YEAR AND A HALF AGO CHARLIE
CHAPLIN EMERGED to film Modern Times, his animated critique of
technological change. The hero of his piece, himself, a wrench
in either hand, screwed nuts on bolts at a furious pace as they
passed on an assembly line. At the time it seemed the ultimate
in industrial mechanization, but already a portable electric nut-runner
has been introduced on assembly lines. The device drives a nut
tight in about three seconds, considerably bettering the time
in which Charlie Chaplin or anyone else can do the job by hand
and incidently changing some of the job's physical and psychological
elements.
Siimilar technological changes
are frequent in industry and their cumulative effects involve
the whole question of the economic security of those who depend
upon their work for a livelihood. Yet, despite widespread interest
in the question surprisingly little information is available concerning
the effects on workers of changes in industrial techniques.
Except in very rare cases, the
effects of strictly technical changes on employment in a single
industry or even in a single plant cannot be isolated or dissociated
from other factors in industrial progress. Changes in industrial
techniques are complicated and their effects on skills and jobs
diverse. For instance, one highly important development of recent
years is the adaptation of lifting and conveying devices to a
wide variety of work. Here the effect is principally the displacement
of unskilled men whose chief assets had been husky arms, backs
and shoulders. Much less direct labor is now required for many
of these operations, and the new skills are those of manipulating,
oiling and maintaining the machinery.
The cigar-making industry on
the other hand affords a contemporary example of the inroads of
machines upon hand skills. The automatic long-filler cigar machine
has affected chiefly men who after years of training, and aided
only by a few tools, rolled out cigars by hand. Each machine installed
has on the average displaced ten of these skilled individuals,
chiefly men, and given four or five new jobs to unskilled women
as machine tenders.
The coal loading machine represents
another form of technological change. This machine, while it has
not abolished any of the operations required in coal mining, has
radically altered the organization of the work. Instead of highly
skilled miners each working independently in his own "room" and
performing during the day a wide variety of tasks, a gang of ten
to twelve men "tend" a loading machine. Their work is coordinated
by a foreman and each man is engaged in a single operationtimbering,
drilling or tracklayinglike the subdivided, repetitive tasks
in a factory. These loading crews produce more coal during the
day than the same number of miners working by hand, and while
the loader introduces some new machine tending skills the miner's
old diversified skill isno longer needed. If he hopes to keep
a job he must adapt himself to the "coal hog."
Many innovations, like the portable
electric nut-runner, speed up work rather than change the skills
required. Other electrical implements are being used for similar
operations along the automobile assembly linescrew driving,
drilling, tapping, grinding, sanding and polishing. No particular
skill is needed to handle the tools; they may be turned over to
the men who formerly clid the work with a hand wrench or screw
driver. But these new devices, while they do not affect the skill
with which the task is performed, do influence the total number
of men who earn their living on the assembly line.
MACHINES OF OTHER TYPES CAUSE A DISPLACEMENT OF ONE group of skills
but call into play different skills. With the advent of steel
automobile bodies, skilled workers were replaced by skilled metal
finishers, panelers, molders and hand welders. Again, unskilled
or semi-skilled functions performed on single-purpose machines
are often integrated by the introduction of multiple-purpose machines
which require a trained operator. For example, a new automatic
welding-machine performs six different operations in the manufacture
of radiator tubes for transformers; it takes strip steel from
a roll, presses six lengthwise grooves into the stock, folds it
over, crimps the two edges, welds them together, and then cuts
off the welded tubes into required lengths.
A
still further technological development is illustrated by the
substitution of remote control of automatic operations for direct
control of machines supervised by operators. In some hydro-electric
plants there is not a single worker. Operations and control are
all carried on by electrical devices which automatically "report"
by telephone to a central station. A man in the station transmits
"orders" back to the plant, to be automatically obeyed.
In
the total picture of technological change, the increase in the
number of trained technicians, in engineering, chemistry, and
other special fields, is an important factor.
The
introduction of more efficient machines may result directly in
the displacement of workers and create a demand for workers with
another type of skill or ability. But there are also other, less
obvious, ways in which technological change affects employment.
For example, improved methods may enable one plant to lower its
prices, and so divert business from competitors. Or, the result
of a widespread technological change in an industry may be a lower
price and a wider market which so stimulates employment in the
same or other industries that the number of workers displaced
is offset by the absorption of as many or even more workers, though
not necessarily the same ones. Again, without reducing the total
number of employes, technological improvements sometimes change
occupational requirements, bringing about a labor turnover which
results in at least temporary unemployment for those displaced.
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