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In Documentary
Expression and Thirties America, William Stott discusses the burgeoning
documentary movement during the depression. He differentiates between
official documents, perhaps best exemplified by objective and dry legal
papers, and human documents. The difference rests in sensibility: "We
understand a historical document intellectually, but we understand a human
document emotionally" (Stott 8). Human documentary forces people
to confront--not just with their eyes but also with their hearts--what
they have tried to deny. Social documentary goes one step further. The
FSA images, for example, "put us in touch with the perennial human
spirit, but show it struggling in a particular social context at a specific
historical moment. They sensitize our intellect (or educate our emotions)
about actual life" (18). Such contextualization allows for feelings
of hope by suggesting that current conditions need not endure. Social
documentary "shows man at grips with conditions neither permanent
nor necessary, conditions of a certain time or place" (20). |
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During
the Depression, a number of government agencies besides the FSA initiated
publicity efforts, hoping to keep the propaganda spinning in their favor.
The Department of Agriculture, the Works Progress Administration, the National
Youth Administration, and the Civilian Conservation Corps, among others,
all produced a plethora of photographs. The work of each program demonstrated
varying degrees of technical talent as well as diverse federal objectives.
The NYA, for example, which often put cameras in the hands of those whom
it served, sought to relieve American fears about a growing "youth
problem" by depicting New Deal projects targeting boys and girls of
all ages, both in and out of school (Daniel 94). By their very nature, these
pictures--including images of dance and typing lessons, boys learning mechanical
skills, and children enjoying a movie--convey a seemingly stable socioeconomic
situation compared to most FSA works. NYA children and teens appear nearly
oblivious to the economic conditions of their country, but, more importantly
for the NYA, they appear occupied, even industrious. |
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In short, all
New Deal photography represents propaganda of some sort, albeit in a relatively
new and deceptively subjective way. In the introduction to Official Images:
New Deal Photography, Pete Daniel and Sally Stein explain the fundamental
quality of New Deal documentary as "a style that looked candid,
intimate yet nonintrusive, even as it promoted the value of forceful, bureaucratic
government intervention to shore up a stagnant economy" (ix). As a cross
between an aesthetic form and a technical achievement, photography allowed
people to view somewhat manipulated images--in the sense that the cameraperson
determined the angle, content, and frame of the picture--in a genuinely enjoyable
visual style. In fact, as Stott asserts, the propagandistic power of photography
proved so effective during the depression that the government bureaucratized
the form, making "the weapon that undermined the establishment part of
the establishment" (92).
Still, the photographic
achievements of the FSA stand apart from the rest. Stryker assembled perhaps
the greatest talent of the era and their collective work remains the largest
archiving effort in U.S. history. Of the original 270,000 pictures, 170,000
negatives and 70,000 FSA images remain available to the public at the
Library of Congress while the government stores other New Deal photos
at the National Archives. Moreover, as the most frequently re-presented
Depression-era images, both during the '30s and after, the FSA photos
have had the greatest impact on our collective memory. According to FSA
historian Maren Stange:
Stryker saw
to it that, by 1938, FSA photographs had appeared in Time, Fortune,
Today, Look, and Life
. They were exhibited at
the Museum of Modern Art and the Democratic National Convention of 1936.
By 1940, they had been published in nearly a dozen books, including Walker
Evans' American Photographs, Archibald MacLeish's Land of the
Free, Herman Nixon's Forty Acres and Steel Mules, and Dorothea
Lange and Paul Taylor's American Exodus: A Record of Human Erosion
(Daniel 1).
Evans' book
was reprinted in both 1962 and 1988. In 1966, a year after Lange passed
away, the Museum of Modern Art hosted an exhibition of her life's work
and oversaw publication of the accompanying catalog. In addition, a collection
of Wolcott's FSA prints was published in 1983, and, in 1995, a number
of FSA images were reproduced in America at the Crossroads: Great Photographs
From the Thirties. This sampling of FSA-inspired publications is not
to suggest that other New Deal images are neither as stirring nor as effective
as the FSA photos--only that the FSA images prove the most prevalent.
However, there is also something to be said for the powerful artistry
of Stryker's collection.
A photograph
by Wolcott, for example, shows a coal miner's child carrying home a can
of kerosene but calls to mind the work of a French impressionist. The
small girl wears a dirty white dress and tips head and body toward the
left to balance the weight of the can in her right hand. A shabby house
towers above her on the right while an idle train, overflowing with coal,
sits adjacent to her dirt path. Both the house and the train accentuate
the smallness of the child's body as she struggles to bring the kerosene
home to her family. The unmoving train and its full cargo, moreover, symbolize
the cause of the girl's destitution. For while goods--be they natural
resources, such as coal, or agricultural products--abound, there are no
consumers. Behind the train, we glimpse gently rolling hills, which remind
us of a simpler, less industrialized time when childhood innocence prevailed.
The tension between what could be and what really is heightens our feelings
of pity for this little child caught in the middle. |
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Seurat's pointillist
achievement represents the type of high art commissioned, studied, and appreciated
by the upper classes. The subjects of Wolcott's pictures would be unfamiliar
with paintings like "An Afternoon at La Grande Jatte." The intended
audience for FSA photographs, however, was not of the same class as the imaged
subjects, and white, middle-class America could recognize the visual allusions.
Such aesthetic references, in fact, allowed middle- and upper-class viewers
to sympathize with the subjects in a way not otherwise possible. According
to Stott, documentary images provided common ground during the '30s. "Documentary
is a radically democratic genre," he writes. "It dignifies the usual
and levels the extraordinary. Most often its subject is the common man, and
when it is not, the subject, however exalted he be, is looked at from the
common man's point of view" (49). The pictures provide a parable of how
life could be, allowing viewers to sympathize across regional, class, racial,
and gender lines.
Beauty derives
from the tension between known artistic forms and the simplicity of the images
themselves, forcing viewers to take a second look. Then they see the distortion
of everyday scenes--a child carrying a can of kerosene rather than a picnic
basket or a pile of schoolbooks, for example--which inspires an affective
response. Documentary images encourage the audience to feel as well as to
see. Stryker once explained, "A good documentary should tell not only
what a place or a thing or a person looks like, but it must also tell
the audience what it would feel like to be an actual witness to the
scene" (Qtd in Stott 29). Good documentary, however, also enables one
to empathize with the subject, a quality that characterizes documentary
photography as art. In a 1937 issue of U.S. Camera Magazine, an essayist
writes of Evans' work: "For me this is better propaganda than it would
be if it were not aesthetically enjoyable. It is because I enjoy looking that
I go on looking until the pity and the shame are impressed upon me, unforgettably"
(Qtd in Stott 273). |