RADIO ADDRESS OF FDR
BROADCAST FROM THE OVAL ROOM OF THE WHITE HOUSE DECEMBER 9, 1941 -- 10:00
PM
My fellow Americans, The sudden criminal attacks perpetrated by the Japanese in
the Pacific provide the climax of a decade of international immorality.
Powerful and resourceful gangsters have banded together to
make war upon the whole human race. Their challenge has now been flung
at the United States of America. The Japanese have treacherously
violated the longstanding peace between us. Many American soldiers and
sailors have been killed by enemy action. American ships have been
sunk; American airplanes have been destroyed.
The Congress and the people of the United States have accepted
that challenge.
Together with other free peoples, we are now fighting to maintain
our right to live among our world neighbors in freedom, in common
decency, without fear of assault.
I have prepared the full record of our past relations with Japan,
and it will be submitted to the Congress. It begins with the visit of
Commodore Parry to Japan eighty-eight years ago. It ends with the visit
of two Japanese emissaries to the Secretary of State last Sunday, an
hour after Japanese forces had loosed their bombs and machine guns
against our flag, our forces and our citizens.
I can say with utmost confidence that no Americans today or
a thousand years hence, need feel anything but pride in our patience
and in our efforts through all the years toward achieving a peace in
the Pacific which would be fair and honorable to every nation, large or
small. And no honest person, today or a thousand years hence, will be
able to suppress a sense of indignation and horror at the treachery
committed by the military dictators of Japan, under the very shadow of
the flag of peace borne by their special envoys in our midst.
The course that Japan has followed for the past ten years in
Asia has paralleled the course of Hitler and Mussolini in Europe and in
Africa. Today, it has become far more than a parallel. It is actual
collaboration so well calculated that all the continents of the world,
and all the oceans, are now considered by the Axis strategists as one
gigantic battlefield.
In 1931, ten years ago, Japan invaded Manchukuo -- without
warning.
In 1935, Italy invaded Ethiopia -- without warning. In 1938,
Hitler occupied Austria -- without warning.
In 1939, Hitler invaded Czechoslovakia -- without warning.
Later in '39, Hitler invaded Poland -- without warning. In 1940,
Hitler invaded Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg
-- without warning.
In 1940, Italy attacked France and later Greece -- without
warning.
And this year, in 1941, the Axis Powers attacked Yugoslavia
and Greece and they dominated the Balkans -- without warning. In
1941, also, Hitler invaded Russia -- without warning. And now
Japan has attacked Malaya and Thailand -- and the United States --
without warning.
It is all of one pattern.
We are now in this war. We are all in it -- all the way.
Every single man, woman and child is a partner in the most tremendous
undertaking of our American history. We must share together the bad
news and the good news, the defeats and the victories -- the changing
fortunes of war.
So far, the news has been all bad. We have suffered a serious
setback in Hawaii. Our forces in the Philippines, which include the
brave people of that Commonwealth, are taking punishment, but are
defending themselves vigorously. The reports from Guam and Wake and
Midway Islands are still confused, but we must be prepared for the
announcement that all these three outposts have been seized.
The casualty lists of these first few days will undoubtedly
be large. I deeply feel the anxiety of all of the families of the men
in our armed forces and the relatives of people in cities which have
been bombed. I can only give them my solemn promise that they will get
news just as quickly as possible.
This Government will put its trust in the stamina of the American
people, and will give the facts to the public just as soon as two
conditions have been fulfilled: first, that the information has been
definitely and officially confirmed; and, second, that the release of
the information at the time it is received will not prove valuable to
the enemy directly or indirectly.
Most earnestly I urge my countrymen to reject all rumors.
These ugly little hints of complete disaster fly thick and fast in
wartime. They have to be examined and appraised.
As an example, I can tell you frankly that until further surveys
are made, I have not sufficient information to state the exact damage
which has been done to our naval vessels at Pearl Harbor. Admittedly
the damage is serious. But no one can say how serious, until we know
how much of this damage can be repaired and how quickly the necessary
repairs can be made.
I cite as another example a statement made on Sunday night that a
Japanese carrier had been located and sunk off the Canal Zone. And when
you hear statements that are attributed to what they call "an
authoritative source," you can be reasonably sure from now on that
under these war circumstances the "authoritative source" is not any
person in authority.
Many rumors and reports which we now hear originate, of course,
with enemy sources. For instance, today the Japanese are claiming that
as a result of their one action against Hawaii they hare gained naval
supremacy in the Pacific. This is an old trick of propaganda which has
been used innumerable times by the Nazis. The purposes of such
fantastic claims are, of course, to spread fear and confusion among us,
and to goad us into revealing military information which our enemies
are desperately anxious to obtain.
Our Government will not be caught in this obvious trap --
and neither will the people of the United States.
It must be remembered by each and every one of us that our
free and rapid communication these days must be greatly restricted in
wartime. It is not possible to receive full and speedy and accurate
reports front distant areas of combat. This is particularly true where
naval operations are concerned. For in these days of the marvels of the
radio it is often impossible for the Commanders of various units to
report their activities by radio at all, for the very simple reason
that this information would become available to the enemy and would
disclose their position and their plan of defense or attack.
Of necessity there will be delays in officially confirming
or denying reports of operations, but we will not hide facts from the
country if we know the facts and if the enemy will not be aided by
their disclosure.
To all newspapers and radio stations -- all those who reach
the eyes and ears of the American people -- I say this: You have a most
grave responsibility to the nation now and for the duration of this
war.
If you feel that your Government is not disclosing enough of
the truth, you have every right to say so. But in the absence of all
the facts, as revealed by official sources, you have no right in the
ethics of patriotism to deal out unconfirmed reports in such a way as
to make people believe that they are gospel truth. Every citizen,
in every walk of life, shares this same responsibility. The lives of
our soldiers and sailors -- the whole future of this nation -- depend
upon the manner in which each and every one of us fulfills his
obligation to our country. Now a word about the recent past and the
future. A year and a half has elapsed since the fall of France, when
the whole world first realized the mechanized might which the Axis
nations had been building up for so many years. America has used that
year and a half to great advantage. Knowing that the attack might reach
us in all too short a time, we immediately began greatly to increase
our industrial strength and our capacity to meet the demands of modern
warfare.
Precious months were gained by sending vast quantities of our war
material to the nations of the world still able to resist Axis
aggression. Our policy rested on the fundamental truth that the defense
of any country resisting Hitler or Japan was in the long run the
defense of our own country. That policy has been justified. It has
given us time, invaluable time, to build our American assembly lines of
production.
Assembly lines are now in operation. Others are being rushed
to completion. A steady stream of tanks and planes, of guns and ships
and shells and equipment -- that is what these eighteen months have
given us.
But it is all only a beginning of what still has to be done.
We must be set to face a long war against crafty and powerful bandits.
The attack at Pearl Harbor can be repeated at any one of many points,
points in both oceans and along both our coast lines and against all
the rest of the Hemisphere.
It will not only be a long war, it will be a hard war. That
is the basis on which we now lay all our plans. That is the yardstick
by which we measure what we shall need and demand; money, materials,
doubled and quadrupled production -- ever-increasing. The production
must be not only for our own Army and Navy and air forces. It must
reinforce the other armies and navies and air forces fighting the Nazis
and the war lords of Japan throughout the Americas and throughout the
world. I have been working today on the subject of production.
Your Government has decided on two broad policies.
The first is to speed up all existing production by working
on a seven day week basis in every war industry, including the
production of essential raw materials.
The second policy, now being put into form, is to rush additions
to the capacity of production by building more new plants, by adding to
old plants, and by using the many smaller plants for war needs.
Over the hard road of the past months, we have at times met
obstacles and difficulties, divisions and disputes, indifference and
callousness. That is now all past -- and, I am sure, forgotten.
The fact is that the country now has an organization in
Washington built around men and women who are recognized experts in
their own fields. I think the country knows that the people who are
actually responsible in each and every one of these many fields are
pulling together with a teamwork that has never before been excelled.
On the road ahead there lies hard work -- gruelling work --
day and night, every hour and every minute.
I was about to add that ahead there lies sacrifice for all
of us.
But it is not correct to use that word. The United States
does not consider it a sacrifice to do all one can, to give one's best
to our nation, when the nation is fighting for its existence and its
future life.
It is not a sacrifice for any man, old or young, to be in
the Army or the Navy of the United States. Rather it is a privilege.
It is not a sacrifice for the industrialist or the wage earner,
the farmer or the shopkeeper, the trainmen or the doctor, to pay more
taxes, to buy more bonds, to forego extra profits, to work longer or
harder at the task for which he is best fitted. Rather it is a
privilege.
It is not a sacrifice to do without many things to which we
are accustomed if the national defense calls for doing without it.
A review this morning leads me to the conclusion that at present
we shall not have to curtail the normal use of articles of food. There
is enough food today for all of us and enough left over to send to
those who are fighting on the same side with us.
But there will be a clear and definite shortage of metals
for many kinds of civilian use, for the very good reason that in our
increased program we shall need for war purposes more than half of that
portion of the principal metals which during the past year have gone
into articles for civilian use. Yes, we shall have to give up many
things entirely.
And I am sure that the people in every part of the nation
are prepared in their individual living to win this war. I am sure that
they will cheerfully help to pay a large part of its financial cost
while it goes on. I am sure they will cheerfully give up those material
things that they are asked to give up. And I am sure that they
will retain all those great spiritual things without which we cannot
win through.
I repeat that the United States can accept no result save
victory, final and complete. Not only must the shame of Japanese
treachery be wiped out, but the sources of international brutality,
wherever they exist, must be absolutely and finally broken.
In my Message to the Congress yesterday I said that we "will
make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us
again." In order to achieve that certainty, we must begin the great
task that is before us by abandoning once and for all the illusion that
we can ever again isolate ourselves from the rest of humanity.
In these past few years -- and, most violently, in the past
three days -- we have learned a terrible lesson.
It is our obligation to our dead -- it is our sacred obligation
to their children and to our children -- that we must never forget what
we have learned.
And what we have learned is this:
There is no such thing as security for any nation -- or any
individual -- in a world ruled by the principles of gangsterism.
There is no such thing as impregnable defense against powerful
aggressors who sneak up in the dark and strike without warning.
We have learned that our ocean-girt hemisphere is not immune
from severe attack -- that we cannot measure our safety in terms of
miles on any map any more.
We may acknowledge that our enemies have performed a brilliant
feat of deception, perfectly timed and executed with great skill. It
was a thoroughly dishonorable deed, but we must face the fact that
modern warfare as conducted in the Nazi manner is a dirty business. We
don't like it -- we didn't want to get in it -- but we are in it and
we're going to fight it with everything we've got.
I do not think any American has any doubt of our ability to
administer proper punishment to the perpetrators of these crimes.
Your Government knows that for weeks Germany has been telling Japan
that if Japan did not attack the United States, Japan would not share
in dividing the spoils with Germany when peace came. She was promised
by Germany that if she came in she would receive the complete and
perpetual control of the whole of the Pacific area -- and that means
not only the Ear East, but also all of the Islands in the Pacific, and
also a stranglehold on the west coast of North, Central and South
America. We know also that Germany and Japan are conducting their
military and naval operations in accordance with a joint plan. That
plan considers all peoples and nations which are not helping the Axis
powers as common enemies of each and every one of the Axis powers.
That is their simple and obvious grand strategy. And that is
why the American people must realize that it can be matched only with
similar grand strategy. We must realize for example that Japanese
successes against the United States in the Pacific are helpful to
German operations in Libya; that any German success against the
Caucasus is inevitably an assistance to Japan in her operations against
the Dutch East Indies; that a German attack against Algiers or Morocco
opens the way to a German attack against South America and the Canal.
On the other side of the picture, we must learn also to know
that guerilla warfare against the Germans in, let us say Serbia or
Norway, helps us; that a successful Russian offensive against the
Germans helps us; and that British successes on land or sea in any part
of the world strengthen our hands.
Remember always that Germany and Italy, regardless of any formal
declaration of war, consider themselves at war with the United States
at this moment just as much as they consider themselves at war with
Britain or Russia. And Germany puts all the other Republics of the
Americas into the same category of enemies. The people of our sister
Republics of this Hemisphere can be honored by that fact.
The true goal we seek is far above and beyond the ugly field
of battle. When we resort to force, as now we must, we are determined
that this force shall be directed toward ultimate good as well as
against immediate evil. We Americans are not destroyers -- we are
builders.
We are now in the midst of a war, not for conquest, not for
vengeance, but for a world in which this nation, and all that this
nation represents, will be safe for our children. We expect to
eliminate the danger from Japan, but it would serve us ill if we
accomplished that and found that the rest of the world was dominated by
Hitler and Mussolini.
So we are going to win the war and we are going to win the
peace that follows.
And in the difficult hours of this day -- through dark days
that may be yet to come -- we will know that the vast majority of the
members of the human race are on our side. Many of them are fighting
with us. All of them are praying for us. But, in representing our
cause, we represent theirs as well -- our hope and their hope for
liberty under God.
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