1 William McLoughlin, Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform, p. 132.

2 I have refrained from explicitly tying either movement to what are often regarded as the deep, determinative themes of American culture, such as "anti-authoritarianism," in the belief that the reader is perfectly well-equipped to make or reject such connections. While it is true that both movements rebelled against traditional forms of established authority, I see no reason to assert, with a kind of teleological insistence, that they were therefore displaying one of the eternal quiddities of American life -- an essentialist strategy that can have the effect of draining much of the complexity out of an historical or literary discussion.

3 See Paul Gilje, The Road to Mobocracy, for a revealing discussion of a general shift from urban rioting aimed at preserving a communal consensus to rioting that reflected the disparate interests of a more fragmented culture. See David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution and Ira Berlin Ronald Hoffman, Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution for two portraits of the impact of the Revolution on antislavery movements, on slave societies and on African Americans themselves.

4 Two insightful analyses of the relationship between territories and the federal government come from Peter Onuf's Statehood and Union and Andrew Cayton's The Frontier Republic.

5 Henry Nash Smith provided a concise explanation of the problem in Virgin Land, chapters 20-22.

6 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, p. 146.

7 Cayton, pp. 127-8.

8 Davis, p. 283.

9 Cited in Nathan Hatch, The Democratization of American Christianity, p. 37.

10 The promises of the Revolution were, predictably, slower in coming for women and African Americans, but these two groups did internalize and translate the rhetoric of liberty into an active force. Benjamin Quarles wrote that "to a degree approaching unanimity, [African Americans] clothed the War for Independence with a meaning and a significance transcending their own day and time and not confined to the shores of the new republic. To them the full worth of the American Revolution lay ahead" (Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution, p. 301). Linda Kerber also stressed psychology in discussing how women dealt with the persistent societal obstacles they encountered: "They devised their own interpretation of what the Revolution had meant to them as women, and they began to invent an ideology of citizenship that merged the domestic domain of the preindustrial woman with the new public ideology of individual responsibility and civic virtue" (Women of the Republic, p. 269).

11 Jay Fliegelman argues in Declaring Independence that a desire for non-subjective social harmony characterized the Revolutionary generation's approach to public issues following independence. He described a "wishful quest to escape the narrow corridor of the perspectival and subjective by attaining to a prospect point that permitted a comprehensive, transcendent, or universalist view" (72).

12 Representative works of this camp include John Bodo's The Protestant Clergy and Public Issues, 1812-1848 (Princeton, 1954); Charles Cole's The Social Ideas of the Northern Evangelists, 1820-1860 (New York, 1954); and Charles Foster's An Errand of Mercy: The Evangelical United Front, 1790-1837 (Chapel Hill, 1960). Perry Miller, in "From the Covenant to the Revival," argued that the problem facing clerics was "how to preserve a spiritual unity throughout a multitude of sects amid the increasing violence of political dissension" (Nature's Nation, p. 115).

13 Nathan Hatch, The Democratization of American Christianity, p. 222.

14 Donald Mathews, "The Second Great Awakening as an Organizing Process, 1780-1830: An Hypothesis," pp. 31, 27, 30.

15 From the foreword to Donald Mathews, Religion in the Old South, p. x.

16 William McLoughlin, The American Evangelicals, p. 47.

17 Mathews, Religion in the Old South, p. 47.

18 McLoughlin, The American Evangelicals, p. 87.

19 Ibid., p. 90.

20 As William McLoughlin put it, the Calvinists had to "concede that God was benevolent and not wrathful, merciful not stern, reasonable not mysterious ... that man was active not passive in his salvation, that grace was not arbitrarily or capriciously dispensed like the royal prerogative of a sovereign but offered freely to all men as the gift of a loving Father to his children" (The American Evangelicals, p. 4).

21 Ibid., p. 82.

22 Cited in Anne Rose, Transcendentalism as a Social Movement, p. 11.

23 Miller, The Transcendentalists, p. 10.

24 Daniel Walker Howe, The Unitarian Conscience, pp. 2-3.

25 Perry Miller, "From Edwards to Emerson," in Errand into the Wilderness, p. 198.

26 Miller, The Transcendentalists, pp. 70-71.

27 Stephen Whicher, Selections from Ralph Waldo Emerson, p. 105.

28 Miller, The Transcendentalists, p. 207.

29 Ibid., p. 208.

30 Ibid., p. 212.

31 Ibid., p. 322.

32 Ibid., p. 324.

33 Ibid., p. 152.

34 Henry Ward Beecher, "Preaching Christ," in McLoughlin, The American Evangelicals, p. 139.

35 McLoughlin, Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform, p. 116.

36 Whicher, p. 111.

37 Miller, The Transcendentalists, p. 266, p. 277.

38 Cited in Hatch, p. 75.

39 Miller, The Transcendentalists, p. 365.

40 Whicher, p. 24.

41 A comprehensive description of the morphology of conversion appears in chapter three of D. Dickson Bruce's And They All Sang Hallelujah.

42 Bruce, p. 62.

43 McLoughlin, The American Evangelicals, p. 42.

44 Whicher, p. 102.

45 Cited in McLoughlin, Modern Revivalism, p. 16.

46 Cited in William Warren Sweet, The Methodists: A Collection of Source Materials, p. 126.

47 Whicher, p. 102. Lawrence Buell shrewdly points out that the concluding phrase of this passage actually renders the statement "quite tame" by qualifying and undermining and apparent assertion of man's identity with God (Literary Transcendentalism, p. 14).

48 Bruce, p. 100.

49 Ralph Waldo Emerson, "The Oversoul," in The American Tradition in Literature, p. 872.

50 By "literary," I refer to what we consider the "higher" forms of literature or belles-lettres, such as poetry, and to a writing style in which elegance and sophistication are given high priority. Still, while the Transcendentalists participated more actively and deliberately in their era's literary scene, the Evangelicals also made use of the spread of printing technology by publishing sermons for wider distribution and by composing religious essays for such periodicals as the Western Messenger.

51 Beecher, "Preaching Christ," p. 133.

52 Cited in Hatch, p. 137.

53 Jonathan Edwards, "A Divine and Supernatural Light," in The American Tradition in Literature, p. 164.

54 Charles Finney, "True and False Repentance," in Lectures to Professing Christians, p. 121.

55 Cited in Howe, p. 164.

56 Whicher, p. 109.

57 Miller, The Transcendentalists, p. 293.

58 Whicher, p. 233.

59 Hatch, p. 138.

60 Finney, "Selfishness Not True Religion," in Lectures to Professing Christians, p. 193.

61 Henry David Thoreau, Walden, p. 14.

62 Miller, The Transcendentalists, p. 280.

63 Cited in Dickson, p. 156.

64 Orestes Brownson, "Progress of Society" (1835) in Miller, The Transcendentalists, p. 92.

65 The theme of a withdrawal from the larger society and creation of a smaller social subset has its roots in the Puritan concept of "visible saints," those people who have voluntarily removed themselves from the sullying influence of the unconverted, who are "in the world, but not of the world."

66 Whicher, pp. 150, 159, 156, 160.

67 Cited in Dickson, pp. 155-6.

68 Miller, The Transcendentalists, p. 285.

69 R. Jackson Wilson, In Quest of Community, p. 22.

70 Thoreau, Walden, p. 108.

71 Ibid., p. 269.

72 Ibid., p. 275.

73 Cited in Rose, p. 105.

74 The original members were: George Ripley, Sophia Ripley, Marianne Ripley, William Allen, Charles Dana, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Maria Pratt, Minot Pratt, Sarah Stearns, and Charles Whitmore.

75 For a thorough discussion of the people and practices of Brook Farm, see Anne Rose's Transcendentalism as a Social Movement, 1830-1850.

76 Cited in Rose, pp. 126-127.

77 Ibid., p. 119.

78 Cited in McLoughlin, The American Evangelicals, p. 12.

79 Beecher, "Preaching Christ," p. 136.

80 Emerson, journal entry of Spring, 1851, in Whicher, p. 354.

81 Emerson, journal entry of July, 1844, in Whicher, pp. 277-8.

82 Emerson, "Self-Reliance," in Whicher, p. 150. We should note that Thoreau also approaches an abjuration of charity, writing in Walden that "Doing-good ... does not agree with my constitution" (p. 59).

83 Mathews, Religion in the Old South, p. 75.

84 Peter Cartwright, "The Autobiography of Peter Cartwright," in McLoughlin, The American Evangelicals, p. 67.

85 Mathews, Religion in the Old South, p. 140.

86 McLoughlin, Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform, p. 137.

87 Kerber, p. 269.

88 Cited in Mathews, Religion in the Old South, p. 99.

89 Ibid., p. 104.

90 Cited in Rose, p. 170.

91 Ibid., p. 196.

92 Miller, The Transcendentalists, p. 461.

93 Ibid., p. 494.

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